Dramaturgie im zeitgenössischen Tanz ist ? positiv gemeint ? ein heißes Eisen. Idealerweise sind Dramaturginnen und Dramaturgen während der Erarbeitung eines Stücks die besten Freunde der Choreografen.
more
The Slavicist and translator Fritz Mierau remembers how he travelled to Crimea in the summer of 1965, to seek out a place for which he had neither directions nor any idea of what to look for. He found it in a bay, on the Black Sea. Here an excerpt: "The Russian history of ideas tells of a place called Koktebel and the man who made it famous, 'by finding it" and "inventing it" in Goethe's sense of the word, the poet and painter Maximilian Voloshin. (...) After years in St. Petersburg, Moscow and Paris he settled here well before the outbreak of the First World War, on the old caravan road from Asia to Europe, building his own caravanserai, even helping with the carpentry himself: For Voloshin, he and Koktebel were destined for one another. His life blended in with the effects of the elements there. Osip Mandelstam tells how a carpenter showed him Voloshin's grave, which lay high in the mountains of Karadag, above the left bank of the Bay of Ihpigenia. When they carried Voloshin's mortal remains up, in accordance with the author's will, the people were all aback by the impressive all-round view, which opened onto sea, mountains and steppes. Maximilian Alexandrowitsch was the first person to recognise the beauty of his spot."
Rachel Bowlby reads "Checkout: A life on the Tills" which Anna Sam has written from personal experience. "Sam worked behind the till for eight years at a large supermarket in Rennes. Her book is written as if it were a survival manual for the novice checkout worker. No frills – no plot or romance. (What not to say when you are asked at the interview why you want the job? 'Because my mother was a checkout girl'; 'Because I've always dreamed of working in a supermarket.') Just the small incidents and frustrations of any likely day, told in a series of tiny themed chapters. Once hired, there is a mentor to guide you through the first few shifts, but after a month you will be used to the beeping, used to the exhaustion. You will be like a machine; or, more lovingly put, it will be 'as if you and your till were one' – 'Mes caisses, mes amours.'"
Every now and then Umberto Eco likes to immerse himself in exotic antiquarian catalogues. Recently he stumbled across the "Curious and Bizarre Books" of the French Libraires Associe and was keen to share the most choice tidbits with his readers: "In the selection of works which were certainly written in earnest, I found a treatise on the wail of pigeon, by Cardinal Bellarmine (the one from Galileo) about the location of the earthly paradise of Huet (which he placed near Basra, in startling contrast to the tradition that has it in the Far East, but which would explain Bush's invasion of Iraq), and Pierre Sindico's book on the Immobility of the Earth (1878). I also discovered that Ricciotto Canudo, whom I knew only in the role of serious film critic (and as the inventor of the term 'the seventh art'), was also a war hero, who was interested in the musical metaphysics of culture. There is also a wonderful second section about early historical languages – from the language of Adam (Druid according to John Cleland 1776), Basque as the language of Cam – according to Pedro Nada in 1885, and of course artificial languages like Bollack's Lange Bleue from 1900, Jallais's 'Sillabayre' from 1923, some instructions for building a reading machine as well as the Codex Napleonicus in verse by an anonymous writer in 1811."
Poland is celebrating the "Year of Independent Culture" - until July next year. "When we talk about 1989 today, or more generally about the 70s and 80s, we tend to overlook culture. But underground culture in the People's Republic of Poland was an unusual phenomenon in the Eastern Bloc and played an important role in extending the areas of freedom, thus paving the way for 1989," says historian Lukasz Kaminski.
New research has shown that the greatest barrier to development in the Arab states is the poor educational system, the Economist reports. This applies as much to Saudi Arabia as it does to Egypt. "A quarter of the kingdom's university students devote the main part of their degree course to Islamic studies, more than in engineering, medicine and science put together. And despite changes to Saudi curriculums, religious study remains obligatory every year from primary school through to university. ... Arab countries now spend as much or more on education, as a share of GDP, than the world average. They have made great strides in eradicating illiteracy, boosting university enrolment and reducing gaps in education between the sexes. But the gap in the quality of education between Arabs and other people at a similar level of development is still frightening."
In an interview with the Nouvel Obs, playwright Yasmina Reza has nothing but scorn for those who want to see a long jail sentence for Roman Polanski, with whom she is planning a joint film project. "May I remind you that he is only accused of seducing a minor. No one is above the law, but not every one is a judge, lawyer or witness either. People neither know the complex and contradictory files of the case, nor do they know the protagonists of the affair. What sort of egotism makes people feel they have to right to condemn others publicly? What makes me angry is all this loud-mouthing that has no legitimacy whatsoever."
In his Bloc notes Bernard-Henri Levy explains his reasons for defending Polanski. To lock up a man who is not a paedophile and who has already served time for his deed, to hunt him down like a terrorist and turn him in like some "old Nazi" might correspond to the lettering of the law, but it has nothing to do with justice. Levy then addresses the "Messieurs les justiciers": "Either Polanski was a monster – then he should never have been awarded an Oscar or Cesar; he should have been turned in to the authorities every time he went on holiday with his family in Switzerland. But you never objected to his treading the red carpets of the world's film festivals. So you must sense, like I do, the immense hypocrisy of this prosecuting attorney, who hungry for recognition and glory wakes up one fine morning to deliver Polanski, like a trophy, to the vindictiveness of the voters - and must pray, like his victim, for everyone to leave him in peace, at last.
After a decade of violence in Nepal, Isabel Hilton lists a catalogue of problems faced by this country, which is in the hands of an "unwieldy coalition" of 22 out of Nepal's 24 political parties. "Democracy is not an easy proposition in Nepal. Many of the country’s political parties – even the relatively disciplined Maoists – are racked with internal divisions, and defections are common. These tensions are acted out daily in the constituent assembly, which has set itself a deadline of next May to complete the blueprint for Nepal’s political future. To do that, it must choose between a presidential or a prime ministerial system and determine what degree of autonomy Nepal's 100-plus ethnic groups can hope for.General de Gaulle once remarked that it was impossible to govern a country that has 246 different kinds of cheese. Nepal, with 126 languages, presents an even greater challenge."
This October, the Hungarian constitution, which was originally intended only to be temporary – will be 20 years old. High time, according to historian and director of the Budapest Hapsburg Institute, Andras Gerö, to start thinking about bringin it up to date. He is also concerned about the role of the president, which is rapidly losing authority because it is voted by parliament and therefore can no longer be said to embody the nation as a whole. Gerö's solution to this authority gap is to reinstate the monarchy. "I believe the monarchy would be able to create the sort of authority within a political community which, alongside its democratic function and political criticism of the executive, would also fulfil the criterion that the constitution associates with the president, namely the political but not party-political embodiment of national unity. Of course this is only possible when the monarch reigns without governing, and his role is symbolic. The advantage of a monarch over a president is that he is subject to the hereditary succession, which means that his legitimacy is independent of party-political considerations. And he would probably not cost the state more than a president."
Holocaust and Gulag research has created a distorted image of the victims, according to US historian Timothy Snyder. In Auschwitz, which has become the symbol of the Holocaust, mainly western European Jews were murdered. But the majority of victims in the German camps – approximately one third of– were Polish and Soviet Jews, who were killed in Treblinka, Belzen and Sobibor in occupied Poland. These victims play only a marginal role in Holocaust remembrance, Snyder says. Just like other eastern European victims. "If any European country seems out of place in today's Europe, stranded in another historical moment, it is Belarus under the dictatorship of Aleksandr Lukashenko. Yet while Lukashenko prefers to ignore the Soviet killing fields in his country, wishing to build a highway over the death pits at Kuropaty, in some respects Lukashenko remembers European history better than his critics. By starving Soviet prisoners of war, shooting and gassing Jews, and shooting civilians in anti-partisan actions, German forces made Belarus the deadliest place in the world between 1941 and 1944."
For the past 13 years, the lawyer and sociologist Bela Reversz has been studying the documents of the Hungarian secret police. Bela Kurcz asks him whether Hungary's largest opposition party, Fidesz, will be able to make good on its promise to open all files following an election victory next year – after all, 27 percent of the files are still kept under wraps by the secret service. Revesz answers: "In the debate about Germany's past, Jürgen Habermas emphasised the need for public access to the past, which makes addressing the collective past a matter for the community as a whole.... The key question is then to what extent the community is equipped to address its own past and whether it wants to do so. ... But in my opinion, the most important thing is to free this problematic issue, firstly from clutches of the hysteria of politics, where politicians and the media are led by the interests of the moment, and on the other hand from the cage of the partisan interests of the experts."